It is clear that Sunday’s local elections are likely to be flawed. Throughout the campaign there have been numerous incidences of irregularities that do not bode well for the integrity of these elections.
Take for example, the electoral lists. In one incident last week, it was reported that some 47000 people were registered twice on the voting lists. That is likely to be simply the tip of the iceberg, however, when it comes to these lists that have been so rife for manipulation in every election in Albania in recent years. Albanians still lack the clear and accurate residential records that would allow the post to arrive effectively, let alone guaranteeing the accuracy of the electoral voters’ lists. And it doesn’t seem as though much has been done to rectify that situation in the lead up to these elections, as little was done in the lead up to the national elections last July.
Then there are the birth certificates that people use for identification purposes on polling day. In a move the government claimed would simply make it easier to acquire a birth certificate, the application procedures were significantly loosened a few weeks ago, creating the potential for even more ‘irregularities’ come election day. Previously it was possible to acquire a certificate for someone else, provided one was in possession of their passport. The passport photo could then be checked with the photo to be placed on the certificate. Having removed the requirement to have photo identification when applying for a certificate, the government has created the possibility for people to acquire a number of certificates with the same photo but different names. There are already reports of people with numerous certificates around Tirana.
In both of these examples of flawed democratic processes – the voters lists and the birth certificates – there is a degree of straightforward lack of competence on behalf of the authorities in charge, mixed with the potential for outright manipulation. At the same time, these two examples are symptoms of the larger issues that Albania faces on its road to better democratic processes. These issues have to do with notions of democratic citizenship that may or not take hold in Albanian politics and society.
Of these notions is the right to choose to participate, or more importantly not to participate, in party politics. It was a characteristic of the countries of Eastern Europe during the communist period that political participation was enforced. Whether it be May Day parades or Party Congresses, in an authoritarian context people were obliged to not only turn up but to cheer for whatever cause or person was being paraded. In other words, these activities involved not only forced presence but forced exuberance. In the main, people participated as such out of fear of the consequences, and of course at that time the consequences could be dire indeed.
Despite the fact that it is now 16 years since the end of communism in Albania, it seems as though these practices have continued. I was concerned to discover from two friends of recent instances during the election campaign in which they or members of their families have been forced to attend political rallies in much the same way as occurred before. On both of these occasions, ministerial employees – from directors to administrators – were required to leave their work and attend a political rally. In the process, whole government buildings were emptied of their employees who went to fill up the hall of a conference room to cheer an election candidate or a member of his party in front of the media. And there was little choice in the matter. It was made clear to those who present that to refuse to attend would be a direct threat to their job security. In a context in which there is little by way of job security in any case, government employees are easily manipulated: a situation that is obviously being exploited by those in power.
Once employees had arrived at these rallies, the only admissible behavior was to smile and clap. One friend who found herself involved in this process told me of her concern at having been seen by one of her directors to be laughing at the ridiculousness of the spectacle in which she was involved, who responded by glaring in her direction. In other words, the demands on her behavior, and her fear of the results of not behaving in the correct fashion, were palpable. Inappropriate behavior would be noted and there would be consequences. The parallel to the communist period is obviously clear and highly disturbing.
This parallel is heightened by the reports in various newspapers of children being taken out of their regular classes to attend rallies. Although one report in Gazeta Shqiptare pointed to this use of children in Democratic Party rallies, it is unlikely that it is only occurring on that side of politics. Footage shown on Fixs Fare last week of Edi Rama on the hustings, showed him surrounded by school-age children at a time in which they clearly should have been in school.
On Sunday, all eyes will be on the electoral process itself and the degree to which that process is flawed. But it is important to remember the wider context in which this flawed process is occurring: one in which broader democratic processes and concepts of citizens’ rights are evidently struggling to take root in Albanian politics. Without those broader concepts and processes – such as one’s right to choose not to participate in party politics and keep one’s job – it is unlikely any election in Albania, now or in the future, will adhere to the forms of transparency and fairness necessary to consider it truly democratic.
The Ghosts of Communism
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