Artan P쳮aska
apernaska@tiranatimes.com
Though Macedonia is a country which owes much of its existence and stability to Albanian constructive, emancipated and dedicated feelings, the newly-elected president of the small republic afforded to dishearten its northern and western neighbors and the largest non-slavic stock of its composite population.
The inaugural ceremony of the new president of Macedonia, George Ivanov, held on Tuesday 12th of May, excluded the president of the neighboring republic of Kosov묠Fatmir Sejdiu, though Macedonia has officially recognized the new-born republic.
Kosov롰roclaimed independence on the 17th of February 2008. On the 9th of October 2008, within its first year of independence, Macedonia was the 50th country to recognize the Republic of Kosov뮍
Excluding the president of Kosov롦rom the inaugural ceremony may translate politically as a sincere disavowal of Macedonia’s former recognition of the institutions and reality of the new republic, and as adopting a changing stance towards its northern neighbor. The question for the Macedonian society, but also for Albanians everywhere in the world, is whether this presidential inauguration will inaugurate a new pattern and a new era in Macedonian policies.
On its part, president Fatmir Sejdiu, who was not invited to the inaugural ceremony, and the local institutions of Kosov롳eemed to have taken no offence to the stance. The local press in Albania, Kosov롡nd Macedonia report declarations that, from the point of view of the institutions in Kosov묠even after the incident, nothing will change in the relations between Prishtina and Shkup (Skopje).
But the Macedonian attitude has disheartened the Albanian public and political opinion. Ardian Gjini, leader of the parliamentary group of the AAK party (Aleanca p철Ardhm쳩n롥 Kosov쳬 Alliance for the Future of Kosov멠declared that “In spite of the fact that Albania and Kosov묠that is the overall Albanian factor in the Balkans, is a factor that has influenced essentially on the very existence of Macedonia, in spite of the fact that the Albanian factor is the only one in the region that recognizes Macedonia on its political, ethnical integrity and on whatever integrity you can invoke, official Macedonia offers itself the luxury to behave such-a-way-s towards us [the Albanian factor]”.
[Greece has an open dispute with Macedonia focused on the issue of Macedonia’s name. Bulgaria has always considered part of the population of the country of Bulgarian stock, though it does not have any official stance on this topic and does not have any open disputes with its neighbor. And Serbia is often at opposite sides with Macedonia, mainly on religious supremacy matters, though no fundamental dispute threatens their relations. This nourishes Gjini’s assertion that the Albanian factor is the only one in the region that recognizes not only Macedonia as a state, but its total possible integrity.]
The president of Albania, Bamir Topi, who was invited and participated at the inauguration ceremony of George Ivanov on Tuesday the 12th of May, expressed regret at the absence of his counterpart from Kosov롲eported on Wednesday media in Albania (RD, Standard, Republika and others, 13.05.2009).
From the political parties of the Albanians in Macedonia, only PDSH (Partia Demokratike Shqiptare, Democratic Party of the Albanians) did not participate in the ceremony.
Macedonia is shelved between Albania (on the West) and Kosov련on the North), and has over one quarter of its population is of Albanian nationality. Albania was perhaps the first country in the world to recognize the independence of Macedonia after its split-off from Yugoslavia.
The Albanians in Macedonia represent over 25 % of the population living in the country. Facing difficult historical choices, they decided not to boycott the state of Macedonia and pushed for its democratization with the request of being considered as an emancipated, voluntary and constitutive part of the new state.
The request of constitutionality and the voluntary attitude of the Albanians in Macedonia exercise permanent pressure on the Macedonian state and political actors to walk out of enrooted nationalist policies and national state representations and take democratic group adherence as a new state-founding reality as well as a new commonwealth. Whenever the political philosophy and the political behavior of the Macedonianists have been inclined to express nationalist dominance, coerciveness and usurpation fuelled by national state fantasies, friction between the communities has become palpable.
