By Bernd J. Fischer
With predictable even monotonous regularity, Albania has entered yet another period of political crisis. This one began with LSI abandoning its coalition with the DP. This seemingly casual act on the part of Ilir Meta emphasizes once again the very personal nature of Albanian politics. There was no visible policy difference or divergent political vision leading to the spit, once again it was all about the personal power of a handful of elite politicians. The move has elicited a desperate response from the prime minister and once again the state and the people will pay a substantial price.
In the short term, this move at least potentially solidifies Mr. Meta in the role of kingmaker, despite the fact that his national popular support is minimal. His party would, undoubtedly, do better in the polls if he himself stepped aside. Were Albania a state based upon the rule of law, Mr. Meta would have been removed from politics some time ago. As a result of the fact that Albania’s judicial system still suffers from extensive corruption, Mr. Meta continues to be a major player and may determine the outcome of the June election – provided it is held.
The defection of LSI of course put Mr. Berisha is a difficult spot. The loss of LSI disrupted his slim majority and the renegade SP deputies who keep his government afloat today will of course lose their positions in June. Mr. Berisha is also being assailed on the right by the Red and Black Alliance. No escalation of irresponsible nationalist rhetoric on Mr. Berisha’s part will match the nationalist pull of the Red and Black Alliance. The Alliance will draw off at least some of Mr. Berisha’s traditional political base. Mr. Berisha sees political danger as personal danger and his response was to once again sacrifice the best interests of the country in an attempt to shore up his increasingly authoritarian regime.
Mr. Berisha’s response was to have the LSI member of the CEC replaced by his compliant parliament, a move which is a direct attack on the CEC to ensure the outcome of the election before it is held, as if the prime minister was certain of a disputed election. Berisha’s removal of the LSI nominated member of the CEC was at least questionable constitutionally. This reckless move was roundly condemned by most objective domestic and foreign observers. Former American Ambassador John Withers, who remains both an impartial and keen observer of the Albanian political scene, called the move an institutional coup d’굡t.
In the medium term Mr. Berisha has jeopardized the legitimacy of the upcoming elections. Three members of the CEC have now resigned and it is unlikely that they will be replaced within the parameters of the electoral code. In the long term, Mr. Berisha has administered another blow to Albania’s electoral process and demonstrated that his commitment to a de-politicized civil service, something fundamental to functioning democracies, is lip-service at best. Indeed, this move is a major blow against Albania’s already struggling democracy. This move will place further distance between Albania and its stated goal of EU membership. The move is certain to further discourage already weak foreign direct investment. The big losers are once again the Albanian people.
Should the June elections run as scheduled, Albanian voters will ask themselves a number of basic questions. Are they better off personally since the last election? Has corruption and organized crime been effectively addressed? Has the rule of law been strengthened? Is Albania closer to its stated goal of EU membership? Has the Berisha government brought credit to Albania and its people? Has Mr. Berisha lived up to his promises? Is democracy more secure since the last election? The answers to all of these questions should concern Mr. Berisha.
Professor Bernd J. Fischer is the chair of the Department of History at Indiana University, Fort Wayne, in the United States and one of the top international experts on Albania.
