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Confronting Corruption Through Voice and Protest: The Albanian Student Example

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The Albanian Student Protests 2018–2019 – A Generation’s Call for Justice and Democratic Reform

The student protests in Albania during 2018 and 2019 represent an important chapter in the country’s gradual process of political change towards a more democratic system. Almost thirty years after the student protests in 1990 that contributed to the broader movement challenging the communist regime, these more recent protests illustrated ongoing youth engagement in a country still facing political instability and issues of governance. Beyond the immediate conflict over rising university fees, the protests unfolded as a deep challenge to longstanding structural problems in Albania’s higher education and governance systems and expressed a new generation’s demand for political voice and social justice.

After communism ended in 1991, Albania’s transition to democracy has faced many problems, especially because of ongoing corruption and weak government institutions. Since 2015, the higher education sector was reshaped by neoliberal reforms that introduced increasing financial burdens on students while promoting competition with private universities.[1] It was within this environment that an unpopular government decision to raise fees for repeat exams triggered a swift and widespread mobilization. The initial anger, however, quickly expanded as students protested not only against fee hikes, but also against a failing educational infrastructure, dilapidated dormitories, endemic corruption and the exclusion of students from university governance.[2] These combined problems revealed a deeper crisis of legitimacy that affected not only the political leaders but also the universities themselves.

The protests officially began on December 4, 2018 at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism at the Polytechnic University of Tirana. From this epicenter, the movement spread rapidly to other faculties and universities in cities such as Durrës, Shkodra, Elbasan, and Korça. At its peak, up to 15,000 students took part in boycotts, mass demonstrations, faculty occupations, and alternative educational forums.[3] The protests kept their momentum until February 2019, supported by strong solidarity from civil society groups, teachers and many citizens, which showed just how widespread the dissatisfaction with the current situation really was.

Understanding these protests requires placing them in the shadow of 1990, when student activism played a critical role in dismantling Albania’s one-party state. Unlike the student movements before them, the protesters in 2018–2019 deliberately distanced themselves from political parties. This reflected a deep disappointment with the post-communist political elite, including well-known figures, who were often linked to corruption and clientelism. By rejecting party affiliations, the students aimed to break free from the repeating cycle of division and blame that had long plagued Albanian politics, hoping instead for genuine and non-partisan change. Their focus on independence and grassroots democracy showed a thoughtful and mature approach to civic engagement, as well as a strong skepticism toward traditional political leaders. [4]

While the spark was the secretive announcement of additional fees for students retaking exams, which were publicly revealed in October 2018, this was only the final catalyst for a movement fueled by systemic frustrations. The funding for education had long been insufficient, campus facilities were in poor shape and student dormitories were overcrowded and neglected. Beyond this lay a shocking plagiarism scandal involving top politicians and university officials that symbolized the entrenchment of corruption and governmental unaccountability, further assaulting the legitimacy of the entire system.[5] These simmering problems gave the protests a broader resonance as a demand not only for better educational conditions but for meaningful reform and justice.

The demands articulated by the Albanian Student Council made this comprehensive critique clear. They included a call for government investment in education to reach five percent of GDP, a fifty percent student presence in university senates (up from ten), resignation of university administrative boards, a fifty percent reduction in tuition fees, improved dormitory living conditions, integrity vetting for university staff, repeal of the controversial higher education law and cancellation of extra fees for repeat exams.[6]

Lika, a student actively involved in anti-corruption efforts, noted that there was no official coordinator responsible for handling corruption or academic integrity issues within the faculty. Despite the efforts of Lika and other engaged students, they remained unaware of any formal institutional role dedicated to addressing these problems, highlighting a significant gap in accountability that helped fuel the broader call for reform. This combination of unmet financial, political and ethical demands demonstrated the complex nature of the students’ struggle.

The energy of the movement was closely connected to the widespread use of social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram. These tools were essential for organizing themselves, quickly mobilizing supporters, and spreading their message. Creative memes and ironic posters helped raise awareness and build solidarity, showcasing a generation comfortable with digital culture and using “meme protests” to challenge those in power. This online grassroots network went hand in hand with the protesters’ conscious choice to avoid centralized leadership. They openly stated that they had no single leader or official representatives, wanting to keep political parties from taking over or dividing the movement. This leaderless approach made the protests more resilient, as it was much harder for the government to weaken the movement by targeting specific individuals. It also allowed ideas to flow rapidly and gave everyone a sense of shared responsibility. At the same time, not having formal leadership made it harder to maintain a long-term strategy and negotiate effectively, which may have limited how much the protests could achieve in terms of lasting institutional change. In spite of the heavy national focus, the Albanian protests reflected principles of “global civic engagement.”[7] The actions and values expressed—solidarity, justice, anti-corruption, participatory democracy—align with those of youth movements worldwide, including climate strikes and gun control campaigns. Peaceful gestures such as cleaning the streets following demonstrations underscored a commitment to the common good. Thus, while addressing local grievances, the protesters connected to a wider global discourse of youth activism demanding rights, dignity, and democratic renewal.[8]

The government’s response went through different stages, starting with denial and attempts to discredit the protests. Prime Minister Edi Rama tried to weaken the movement by mocking the students and suggesting they were being politically manipulated, a view that many media outlets supported. As the protests grew, the government offered some concessions, like lowering fees for top students and those in need and promised jobs in the public sector. However, the students rejected these offers because they wanted real, systemic change, not just symbolic gestures. Rama also visited universities and used social media to communicate, but the students refused to enter formal talks.[9] The most significant government reaction came in late December 2018 with a cabinet reshuffle, including the dismissal of the education minister, showing that the authorities recognized the seriousness of the protests.[10]

Despite their earlier concessions, the government also used more divisive tactics to try and break up the protest movement, by connecting students to opposition parties to create mistrust. At the same time, they increased pressure through police interventions, which led to physical clashes on university campuses in January 2019.[11] These conflicting approaches showed that the government was unprepared and uncertain about how to deal with a leaderless and independent social movement.

Despite these challenges, the protests did achieve tangible outcomes. Crucially, the additional exam fees were revokedand tuition fees were halved for the following academic year. Renovations in some dormitories were initiated[12], and the cabinet restructuring symbolized political pressure exerted by the movement. Indirectly, the broader political climate shifted, with an increase of minimum wages by eight percent and the government backing away from exploitative public-private partnerships.[13] These achievements marked the largest Albanian mobilization in nearly three decades and demonstrably shifted political priorities while reviving civic engagement.

Still, some important problems remained. The higher education law wasn’t completely rewritten, changes to university senate membership got stuck, and there was no real effort to check the integrity of university staff. The leaderless model, while protective of resilience, arguably restricted the movement’s ability to maintain strategic pressure and translate momentum into lasting institutional reform. Clientelism and co-optation mechanisms remained entrenched. By February 2019, the protests highlighted the extent of public dissatisfaction but had not resolved the underlying systemic crisis. The wave subsided, but its imprint on political culture endured.[14]

Beyond immediate results, these protests revitalized democratic consciousness among Albania’s youth. They invigorated political expectations and demonstrated that collective action, even outside traditional party channels, could challenge power structures. Many participants described overcoming fear and embracing hope for future change, signaling both a generational shift and a legitimacy crisis confronting Albania’s semi-democratic regime. The protests thus constituted an important educative experience, solidifying civic competencies, fostering collective identity and solidarity and promoting active participation in democratic processes. They also stood as a critical “check” on government authority in a society rife with clientelism.[15]

The broader relevance of the Albanian student protests lies in how they reflect key trends seen in youth activism around the world today: strong use of digital tools for mobilization, grassroots organizing without a single formal leader, a clear rejection of co-optation by established political parties and a powerful critique of neoliberal policies that restrict fair access to education. They demonstrate how young people in transitional societies can trigger both symbolic victories and substantive changes, while also contending with the persistence of entrenched power structures.

In conclusion, the Albanian student protests of 2018–2019 present a complex, powerful case of youth-led social movements confronting educational and political challenges in a post-communist setting. Prompted by increased fees, the protests evolved into wider demands for educational justice, transparency and democratic renewal. Their strategy combined innovative digital communication and leaderless organization, building resilience but complicating sustained negotiation. The government reacted with denial, partial concessions, and repression. Concrete victories included revoking fees and shifts in political discourse, but deeper structural reforms remained elusive. Significantly, the protests rekindled citizen engagement and nurtured emerging democratic values among youth, setting a precedent for future movements. As a catalyst for civic learning and political awakening, they underscore the transformative potential of youth activism in fragile democracies grappling with legacies of authoritarianism and corruption.

This article was created as part of the project “Upholding Integrity: Coalition Building for Fighting Corruption in Higher Education,” organized by the Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) within the framework of the SELDI Small Grants Programme “Financial Support for Grassroots and Youth CSOs with Outreach to Citizens,” funded by the European Union. All content is the sole responsibility of AIIS and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or SELDI.net.

Bibliography:

[1]Baltic Worlds, “Universities in Times of Crisis and Transformation. Hegemony Over Higher Education. The Case Of Albania”, 2025, https://balticworlds.com/hegemony-over-higher-education/

[2]The Washington Times, “Thousands of Albanian students step up rally against fees”, 2018,  https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2018/dec/11/thousands-of-albanian-students-step-up-rally-again/

[3] OBCT, “Escalation of students’ protests in Albania”, 2018, https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Albania/Escalation-of-students-protests-in-Albania-191722

[4] Gardinier, “Vignette 4. Expressions of global citizenship in student protests in Albania (2018-2019). Fieldnotes and reflections“, 2020, https://www.perplexity.ai/search/can-you-write-a-report-for-me-chQgan7cSiOd9p7lugdM7g

[5] The Bullet, “How the Student Protest in Albania Became the First Massive Resistance to Neoliberalism”, 2019, https://socialistproject.ca/2019/01/for-the-university-for-the-society/

[6] OBCT, “Escalation of students’ protests in Albania”, 2018, https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Areas/Albania/Escalation-of-students-protests-in-Albania-191722

[7] Hasa, “When Digital Activism Is Not Enough: The Albanian Student Protests of 2018-19”, 2019,  https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393457766_The_Impact_of_Student_Protests_in_Albania_and_Political_Outcomes_A_Critical_Approach

[8] Ibid.

[9] Reporter.al, “Studentët vazhdojnë protestat deri në plotësimin e të gjitha kërkesave“, 2018, https://www.reporter.al/2018/12/07/studentet-vazhdojne-protestat-deri-ne-plotesimin-e-te-gjitha-kerkesave/

[10] Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, “Albanian Student Protests Reach Historic Dimensions“, 2018, https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/39779/albanian-student-protests-reach-historic-dimensions

[11] Balkan Insight, “ https://balkaninsight.com/2019/09/24/emboldened-albanian-students-eye-wider-change/

[12] Kryeministria.al , “At construction site of student dormitory buildings of Civil Engineering Faculty and Student City campus”, 2018, https://www.kryeministria.al/en/newsroom/ne-kantieret-e-konvikteve-te-inxhinierise-dhe-te-qytetit-studenti/

[13] Zekthi,  “The Impact of Student Protests in Albania and Political Outcomes: A Critical Approach“, 2025, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393457766_The_Impact_of_Student_Protests_in_Albania_and_Political_Outcomes_A_Critical_Approach

[14] Qendresa Qytetare, “Monitoring of “the „Pact for the University”, 2019, https://qq.com.al/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Monitoring-of-the-Pact-for-the-University-January-November-2019.pdf

[15] Zekthi,  “The Impact of Student Protests in Albania and Political Outcomes: A Critical Approach“, 2025, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393457766_The_Impact_of_Student_Protests_in_Albania_and_Political_Outcomes_A_Critical_Approach

By Nora Ahmeti & Vilson Blloshmi

Photo by Thomas Chan on Unsplash

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