By Adela Halo
Albanians’ scepticism towards visa liberalisation was just rewarded. Albania may be a NATO member of full-fledged rights, but it is not even part of the proposal of the European Commission to lift the visa regime for the Western Balkans. Serbia, Montenegro, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia seem to have qualified for visa-free travel, while Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina have not. Kosovo is not part of the visa dialogue at all. Albania’s absence in this proposal is disquieting on several accounts.
First, one would have thought NATO membership meant indeed more than military security and advances. The Alliance has tailored its activities along with the times, and has come to focus on more than just military capability in the post-Cold War era. So, membership is now tied to a comprehensive view of state functionality and democracy. It is tied to reforms in several sectors, including the judiciary, border management, public order and security and so on. Albania’s membership, therefore, must mean some degree of appreciation and recognition of standards achieved in areas relevant to visa liberalisation too. For instance, public order and security. Yet, in all cross-cutting areas identified in the Visa Liberalisation Roadmap – document security, public order and security, migration, and external relations and fundamental rights – Albania’s progress has received minimal points by the Commission’s evaluation.
No mistake should be made, of course. NATO membership and visa liberalisation, despite similarities in conditionality, are two distinct processes. However, it is significant at least on a symbolic plane that a NATO member is not considered for visa-free travel too.
In due respect of the distinctiveness of these two processes, however, let us zoom in on the actual visa liberalisation process. More specifically, on the region-wide evaluation by the European Commission of progress towards meeting the benchmarks outlined in the Visa Liberalisation roadmaps. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has received full acclaim of achievements in document security, illegal migration including readmission, public order and security, and external relations and fundamental rights. Serbia and Montenegro are said to have met the most part of requirements. Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina are said to be merely ‘on the right track’ in all four areas.
Knowledge of regional affairs immediately leads one to be sceptical about such an evaluation, the second disquieting aspect. While there is indeed more progress to be made in terms of document security, it is bizarre to see that Albania does not receive credit for its sustained commitment to good neighbourly relations, for its stabilising role in thorny regional matters. Macedonia, on the other hand, despite tensions with Albania regarding the mutual visa-free regime, with Kosovo regarding de facto recognition of the new status, and with Greece regarding its name, receives an ‘A’ grade in the area of external relations. Furthermore, despite continuous criticisms for not sticking to the Ohrid Agreement and concerns regarding ethnic relations, Macedonia also receives maximum points in respect of fundamental rights. Serbia and Montenegro also fare well in this area.
Albania, on the other hand, does not. Albanian political, economic and social life hardly shares the ethnic dimension of its neighbours. Yet, it receives minimal points. The justification seems to be the lack of implementation of the Roma Strategy. Problems with the overall integration of the Roma community must be taken into account by all means. However, one has to compare, one has to keep some perspective and in that exercise, can one safely assert that the Roma community is much better off in other countries? In EU countries?
Commissioners Olli Rehn and Jacques Barrot made it clear that the progress of other countries cannot be sacrificed simply not to upset others. And that is very true and fair. But how true and fair are the evaluations themselves?
The political nature of these evaluations is hard to miss. The point remains, though, that Albania is not on the Schengen White List. The minimal points granted to the country may be undeserved. Yet, eyes must be mainly pointing our government for answers and action, not the Commission. Albanians were promised a visa-free regime by 2009. Then, within 2009. And now within the first year of the government precariously emerging from the June 28th elections. Face-saving efforts such as these time adaptations are bound to fail unless the government takes a very attentive read at the Commission’s evaluation and the Roadmap. The government is responsible for meeting the necessary benchmarks just as much as it is for lobbying for the recognition of met benchmarks.
It is of the essence that the focus of public debate is government action and lobbying. Voices have already emerged of the creation of ‘Muslim Ghettos’ and isolation. It is true that Albania will be soon isolated. The countries where Albanians could previously travel to easily – Montenegro, Macedonia, Serbia – will soon turn into visa walls. It is also the experience with some Eastern European countries that after gaining Schengen status, their national authorities became much more stringent in allowing access than those of ‘old’ EU member states. There is indeed a risk of Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia becoming more catholic than the Pope in this regard. However, the responsibility to manage that situation lies with our government, not our neighbours or the EU.
The association with Bosnia and Herzegovina that is being deducted from this Commission evaluation is also to be treated carefully. The grouping of Albania with Bosnia-Herzegovina is not related to religion or any other aspect currently alluded to. In fact, that knot is purely accidental. It is nevertheless disquieting to be grouped with a country that faces a wholly different nature of challenges from ours. The European Commission could have shown more tact in this regard, and it could have been fairer in its evaluation of the four areas of intervention. Again though, it is the responsibility of our government to achieve much more and to be acknowledged for much more than a fundamentally troubled state. It is the responsibility of our government to also mitigate the image and perception effects that this association will have on Albania.
The author is researcher at the Albanian Institute for International Studies, based in Tirana, Albania.
