On the 26th of November, the Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) organized in the premises of the Tirana International Hotel the Conference “Albania and the European Union: In Search of Local Ownership” to present the national study of the same title and discuss the state of art of the perceptions and understanding of Albanian citizens on the EU integration process. Both the study and the event owe much of their success to the support of the Embassy of the Kingdom of Spain in Albania, a relatively young but active diplomatic mission collaborating intensively with the civil society and other actors in Albania to promote debates on EU integration issues. Moreover, the activities have also benefited from the support of the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation as well as the Open Society Foundation for Albania. Amongst the many participants from national institutions, diplomatic missions, civil society and media, the main contributors to the event were: Dr. Albert Rakipi, Executive Director of AIIS, HE Mr. Manuel Montobbio, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Spain in Albania, Mr. Thomas von Handel, Head of the Political, Economic and Information Section of the Delegation of the European Commission to Albania, Mr. Aldo Bum詬 Vice-Head of the Parliamentary Commission on European Integration, Mr. Marko Bello, Former Minister of European Integration and Board Member of AIIS, Ms. Elda Kalaja, Secretary General of the Ministry of European Integration and Ms. Adela Halo, researcher at AIIS.
The study conducted from AIIS has now been consolidated over seven years of replication and represents the only independent and comprehensive piece of research at national level monitoring and analyzing the evolution of the attitudes and expectations of Albanian citizens towards the process of European integration on an annual basis.
Through its findings and recommendations, the study has contributed every year to promoting local ownership of the integration process and shaping policies and activities of various stakeholders.
Besides classic academic research, the study is based primarily on a nationwide survey carried out in Albania’s major urban centers. More than one thousand adults were interviewed in the period May-June 2009. The findings reveal an interesting, but at the same time complex picture of how the integration process is perceived from the citizens.
Overwhelming support for membership
The 2009 study reconfirms high popular support for EU accession in Albania despite a slight decline from last year. This year, the percentage of respondents that have expressed themselves in favour of EU integration is 88.7%, marking a drop compared to the 95% of last year. Whether this drop is significant enough to alert a seriously declining trend of support remains to be seen. However, it certainly signals the emergence of a slightly more critical trend in perceptions of EU integration that deserves attention.
The level of support for EU integration is still very high and this long-standing trend in Albania stands at a stark contrast to those in the region as well as those in now New Member States. Typically, countries approaching and/or after accession display significant negative change in public support.
In the political sphere, unlike many other countries in the region and in the Union, Albania has no political party that opposes or even criticises EU integration to any degree.
On a social plane, and in strict relation to the political, Albania has a very strong pro-European profile. A spirit of pro- Europeanism is fed by the insular and much resented communist past. Strong support for EU membership is, therefore, also an expression of a break with the past, and a wish to finalise and have acknowledged a European identity.
Free movement
More than a third of those that would vote ‘yes’ in a hypothetical referendum on EU integration, would do so for free movement. The persisting prominence of this motive indicates that citizens have still to realise that visa liberalisation and overall EU integration are by now separate, though parallel, processes. It has slowly become clear that countries of the region stand high chances at achieving visa liberalisation before membership. In case of such an eventuality, the main perceived benefit of EU integration for Albanians would have been achieved, thus raising concerns for the sustainability of the current support.
Economics
The second most important reason for supporting Albania’s EU accession is the expectation of “higher living standards”. The economic rationale behind the support is not that straightforward, however. The main concern of those against accession in case of a referendum are higher prices due to accession and a weaker position of Albanian businesses vis-ஶis the more mature European ones. Sensitivity to economic consequences of integration and accession, however, remains negligible and businesses generally continue to be supportive of EU integration. This can be explained by the fact that despite the formal opening of Albanian economy, many sectors remain isolated and have, therefore, not felt the impact of the competitive EU market.
The weight of ‘higher living standards’ in popular support for accession in Albania simultaneously indicates popular appreciation of a key EU benefit, and low local ownership of the integration process. While economic benefits are indeed a principal attraction of the EU, higher living standards are perceived by Albanians as a post-accession outcome, and not as an achievement in the process of fulfilling EU criteria for accession. Previous experience with the so-called Eastern Enlargement in fact has shown that many of the economic benefits that come with the EU had already been achieved before accession. Furthermore, this data is in juxtaposition to the belief held by citizens of EU member states, namely, that economics should be a key issue in considerations of further enlargements.
EU Strategic Partner
In a ranking exercise of the organisations, institutions andor states with which the Albanian government should strengthen relations, Albanians have ranked the EU first.
Overall, powerful EU member states such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and neighbouring Italy remain important in the Albanian public’s eye. Likewise, the United States and NATO continue to be ranked highly.
The concern persists that Albanians continue to acknowledge little commonality of interests and, therefore, little use in strategic relations with the countries of the region. Relations with
neighbouring non-EU countries apart from Kosovo are not perceived as having much importance, despite the fact that all the countries are part of the Stabilization and Association process. The significance that regional cooperation and integration hold, for instance in the areas of trade, transport, and energy, in the framework of EU integration is yet to be understood.
Readiness and Expectations
The majority of Albanians (47.9%) believe that the country is not ready to join the Union. Those that share the opposite opinion are not a negligible minority, however. In fact, about a third of respondents say that Albania is ready for membership.
Also, a considerable number believe that the country has progressed a lot and/or somewhat towards the EU – 62.9%. Furthermore, a significant share of respondents think that Albania’s aspirations to join are looked at favourably to the extent that the country will be accepted in even before it is ready. 37.2% of respondents share that opinion, as opposed to the 47.9% that think the opposite – that the EU will not accept Albania in until it is ready.
In line with such positive views of the country’s progress and its probabilities of accession, most Albanians are optimistic regarding the year of accession. Thus, most believe that Albania will become member by 2012 (34.8%), or by 2015 (30.1%) and only 14.4% of respondents believe membership will occur in 2020 or after.
Taken together, these responses may indicate that Albanians believe in the negotiability of EU accession criteria and standards, which may have been encouraged by the politically motivated bending of standards for countries like Bulgaria and Romania. The later case of Serbia is very likely to further feed this belief.
Understanding
Albanians continue to display a low level of understanding of the process of integration and the rights and obligations of membership. This is evident in responses to various questions related to expected benefits of membership and the pace of integration. So, a great majority of Albanians expect the country to be member by 2012 (34.8%) or by 2015 (30.1%). Only 14.4% of respondents believe membership will occur in 2020 or after. In the meantime, despite the great emphasis put on the conduct of free and fair elections, Albanians ranked the matter at the bottom of the list of main factors affecting the country’s progress towards the Union.
Furthermore, Albanians do not see the Union as primarily economic, and they seem to see democratization and the strengthening of the rule of law as results of accession, not as results and/or requirements of the process of integration. Apart from a somewhat idealistic understanding of EU membership and its responsibilities in particular, the study’s results once more highlight the external drive for and the low level of local ownership of democratization and state functionality in Albania
The low level of understanding displayed can be partially explained by the main sources of information on the EU and integration. Television remains the main source, followed by the internet and newspapers. Various media monitoring reports indicate that television and newspapers often give confused information on the EU and integration, mundanely mixing the mandates and responsibilities of EU institutions or entirely confusing these institutions with others, such as the Council of Europe. More authoritative sources such as the Delegation of the European Commission to Tirana and the Ministry of European Integration continue to have a low reach to the public.
Recommendations
The recommendations aim at enhancing the local ownership of the EU integration process through the empowerment of citizens and the realistic evaluation of possibilities for advancement. The recommendations were promoted by the Conference’s participants and HE Ambassador Manuel Montobbio in particular called for the attention of policy-makers and their serious implementation of these recommendations.
Reforms
The government must step up key structural reforms for EU integration while public support is still high. It is empirically evidenced that many reforms seeking to establish democratic standards of governance, stable public administrations, efficient and reliable judiciaries and robust market economies are painful and carry very high political risks. Albania has had the fortune to mitigate such risks with the high popular backing for EU integration.
Reforms directly related to visa liberalisation are of particular urgency in light of domestic and regional pressure to lift the visa regime. Issues pertaining to border control, document security, and migration must be immediately addressed in order to deliver on the promise of visa liberalisation, tame frustration with the visa regime and, very importantly, improve popular trust in the state and its institutions.
The successful pursuit of these reforms must not be conducted in isolation. It is clearly imperative for other aspects and benefits of the EU to be promoted if a high level of support that serves to legitimise difficult reforms is to be maintained.
More concretely, the visa liberalisation related reforms must be accompanied by:
1) tangible achievements in other areas, especially in the judiciary, the fight against corruption and organised crime. It is indispensable that the waning resonance of the terms ‘reforms’, ‘democratization’, ‘EU requirements’ is addressed through concrete and tangible achievements.
2) promotion of other benefits of the EU and the importance of achieving them during integration. If the public is kept unaware of other benefits of EU integration and if it is not presented with tangible achievements in the various reform processes, the political risks of vigorously pursuing other reforms will rise sharply in the post-visa years putting the entire reform process at stake.
Tangible achievements in difficult reform areas such as the judiciary and the economic sector are also necessary in order to foster public trust in the state and its institutions, and temper the risks coming from public frustrations with the ‘integration process’.
Economic reforms in particular, the source of much of the resistance observed in other countries, need rationalisation and explanation for the public. The government must prepare citizens, and businesses in particular for the negative effects expected in the short run from structural economic reforms and the exposing of Albanian businesses to the competitiveness of the EU market. Apart from keeping them aware of the progress with economic reform and associated risks, coping mechanisms must be promoted.
Regional Cooperation
Albania’s integration in the EU runs through regional integration to no negligible degree. First, a new regional political culture of trust and cooperation at a state level is the only way to direct inter-state economic activity in the region to legal, formal channels. It is the primary step towards an integrated regional market that would be beneficial for each national economy.
Second, improved regional relations, politically and economically, would give new impetus to each country’s EU aspirations and enhanced leverage in relations to the Union. Apart from improving its reputation and raise its profile as a constructive future component of the Union, through regional cooperation Albania and its neighbours could enhance their clout and speed-up the pace of the integration process.
Last but not least, this approach stands much higher chances of success than vying for partnerships with big powers as it matches well the human and economic resources of each state in the Balkans.
Information Campaign and Education
The low level of knowledge and understanding of the EU and the integration process breeds unrealistic expectations and disappointment at a later stage, and it keeps Albanians looking towards Brussels, hampers local ownership, and limits domestic pressure on government and institutions to step up reforms. To address these issues, concerted efforts must be made by all actors to:
1) clarify Albania’s benefits from EU integration, the expected costs and future responsibilities as member
2) clarify economic consequences specifically and long-run benefits from the implementation of the SAA
3) clarify the nature of the integration process and its concrete requirements
It is of particular importance to target professional groups such as businesses, the media and public administration in actions that aim at raising awareness and understanding of the integration and the corresponding reform processes. The importance of these groups to the integration and reform processes continues to be disproportionate to the capacities and knowledge they display. Government, as well as the donor community must no longer ignore the needs of professional groups and must invest in their education, capacities and empowerment.
The means to be employed to carry out such information campaigns are varied. For the general public, brochures, leaflets and television programmes are the most appropriate. The needs of professional groups, on the other hand, ought to be addressed through focused, tailor-made means such as trainings, seminars, handbooks and manuals.
In order to provide some sustainable base to the understanding and local ownership of the EU integration process, and membership at a later stage, it is essential that EU studies becomes a serious component of the country’s education system. Priority must be given to strengthening the public master programme on EU studies and a bachelor programme.
