Kosova’s Prime Minister Agim ȥku in an exclusive interview to “Tirana Times”
TT: Mr. Prime Minister, can you quickly summarize the official position of your government on Kosova’s independence?
At this moment Kosova is de facto independent. In a manner of speaking, since 1999 Kosova has been independent and any solution other than independence would have been impossible to implement on the ground. Since the sovereignty of Kosova was transferred to the United Nations in 1999, we have had a continuous transfer of sovereignty to Kosovar institutions. We are about to complete that process now.
TT: How do You view the progress of the final status negotiations process? Did the Kosovar negotiating team (the “Unity Team”) articulate Kosova’s position in the best way possible?
The final status negotiations have progressed very well. We knew from the beginning that the possibility of an agreement with Serbia was very slim. But, in this process there are in fact three actors. The third actor is the international community. In other words, these were not negotiations in the classic sense. But, the process did give us a chance to talk to each other and to understand that we agree to disagree on Kosova.
TT: Often one hears the argument that Kosova will not be able to function as an independent state because of what some have called “Kosova’s Greek tragedy”شhat is, no matter which authority governs it, Kosova cannot achieve sustainable economic growth in order to control unemployment, to increase exports, improve its infrastructure and so on. According to this argument, Kosova needs a “Big Brother” in order to finance the minimal expenses of a functioning state. How do you respond to this argument?
There exists a misunderstanding about Kosova’s economy: Kosova is economically viable today. In the last six-seven years we have created a clear and stable framework for a functional state. The big obstacle to attracting foreign direct investment has been the absence of final status. Nevertheless, Kosova has achieved stable economic growth throughout this period. Last year we had 3 percent growth despite the political tensions and uncertainty surrounding the final status process. Two factors guarantee our economic growth. First, we have plentiful natural resources such as lignite and other minerals. Second, we have a young and dynamic population. Soon we expect a number of large foreign investments. At the moment we have two open tenders for the second mobile phone operator and for a thermo-power station, Kosova C that will transform Kosova into a net exporter of power in the region. The economic paradox will be solved after Kosova’s international sovereignty is recognized.
TT: The decision of the international community to postpone the final status decision brought about a strong counter-reaction in Kosova. Many accused Kosova’s negotiating team of lack of transparency, and of needlessly raising people’s hopes for independence within 2006. What is your comment?
Kosova’s independence is not only the vision and desire of the Kosovars anymore. Nowadays Kosova’s independence is the common project of Kosova’s institutions and the international community. For us, the postponement of the final status decision was neither necessary nor reasonable. But, we accepted it. Of course it is in our interest that Serbia moves forward towards a consolidated democracy and the progressives there get stronger because we share a common European agenda. But, Kosova’s independence can neither be limited nor conditioned by developments in Serbia.
TT: Lately You undertook a diplomatic offensive in capitals which are known to be skeptical or against Kosova’s independence. Do You believe that You were able to calm their fears or soften their positions on Kosova?
The final countdown has begun and we will soon be an independent state. Then we will have our own Ministry of Foreign Affairs and our diplomatic representations in different countries. At the moment, we do not have them. That is why it was necessary to begin an intensive campaign to establish bilateral contacts with different states in our region and elsewhere. During these visits we put forward Kosova’s intentions to build friendly partnerships with other countries, its European future. We argued that Kosova’s independence should not raise fears of insecurity in the region but, on the contrary, it will guarantee stability. Moreover, we argued that Kosova’s independence is sui generis and, as such, it cannot be used as a precedent or cause a domino effect elsewhere in the world.
TT: The very act of international negotiations and Your diplomatic offensive are important in themselves for Kosova. After all, they constitute Kosova’s debut in international diplomacy. Before these processes began, a number of diplomats argued that a great deal would depend on Kosova’s performance. What was it like for You personally? Was it difficult to leave the “military offensives” behind and to engage successfully in “diplomatic offensives”?
It is difficult to convince professional soldiers to give up their profession, but when they decide to get into politics they are usually successful.
TT: Can You tell us briefly about the positions of the countries in our region on Kosova’s independence? How influential can such positions be on the eventual decision on final status?
The only real enemy to Kosova’s independence is Serbian nationalism. The greatest part of Serbia’s political elite knows that Kosova’s independence is a kind of liberation for Serbia. Serbia can and must “return to itself” and deal with the great unsolved challenges that are the baggage of the lost two decades of nationalist domination. The other countries in the region are already well on the path to European integration and therefore they have a pragmatic approach on Kosova. Certainly, I need to thank Albania for its positive contributions, but also our two neighbors, Macedonia and Montenegro, who have a very good approach on Kosova. All other ex-Yugoslav republics share a good understanding of Kosova’s problems and the best solution which is independence. Greece too has shown itself to be Kosova’s friend, and has been engaged positively in the process.
TT: You have been co-opted from outside the political sphere to lead a political government. Has this had any impact on the efficiency of Your government?
This has not proven to be a major concern. The main challenge has been the leadership vacuum left after the death of President Rugova which brought about a reorganization of the main political party in Kosova, the DLK (Democratic League of Kosova). But this would have been a challenge for anyone who would be a Prime Minister at this time.
TT: Lastly, let us speak of bilateral relations between Albania and Kosova. How have these relations progressed during Your government? How would You value Albania’s role in the final status negotiations process? If for a moment we assume Kosova will be independent soon, how do You foresee our relations to evolve?
Albania is natural ally and no one needs to feel threatened by the rapport we enjoy with Albania. We share a common agenda on European integration and we will share a capital in Brussels. But the agenda of European integration calls for regional integration and, from this perspective, our relationship with Albania ought to serve as an example in the region. There are no areas in which we have no interest in cooperation and, in fact, we are often complimentary. For example, we have energy sources useful to Albania while Albania has tourism potential. Through cooperation we are rebuilding our dignity. Once again, I want to express my happiness about Albania’s role in the last phase of defining Kosova’s final status.
TT: Thank You Mr. Prime Minister.
