ODIHR Report on Albania’s 2025 Elections
Tirana, October 25, 2025. The final report of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) on Albania’s May 11 parliamentary elections paints a deeply troubling picture of a country where democratic standards remain systematically undermined. The document exposes extensive evidence of vote buying, misuse of state resources, intimidation of public employees, and media capture all pointing to the same conclusion long echoed within Albania: the line between the ruling Socialist Party and the state has effectively disappeared.
The report confirms what many Albanians already know that elections in Albania continue to be dominated by the machinery of power rather than by fair competition. Prime Minister Edi Rama’s Socialist Party secured a sweeping victory with 83 seats, while a fragmented opposition led by the Democratic Party suffered heavy losses, winning only 50 seats. Yet, behind this numerical triumph lies an electoral process that ODIHR describes as distorted by “abuse of administrative resources,” “pressure on voters,” and “a lack of media independence.”
The Blurred Line Between State and Party
ODIHR’s findings highlight a fundamental problem that has haunted Albanian democracy for decades: the state apparatus functions as an extension of the ruling party. According to the report, government ministers including the prime minister himself participated in thousands of public inaugurations and inspections in the months leading up to the election, in what amounted to a taxpayer-funded campaign for the Socialist Party.
Between January and May 2025 alone, the government held 4,522 official events, while the Central Election Commission (CEC) stopped only 18 of them, a token number that underscores the absence of meaningful oversight. The report concludes that this practice “blurred the line between the state and the party,” violating OSCE Copenhagen standards and creating an “uneven playing field.”
This systemic overlap between the government and the ruling party mirrors patterns observed in the 2021 elections when Albania appeared to revisit its early post-communist past, mobilizing state institutions, law enforcement, and public funds against the opposition in ways reminiscent of the country’s first pluralist elections of the early 1990s.
Vote Buying, Patronage, and Fear
Perhaps the most alarming aspect of the ODIHR report concerns the widespread use of intimidation, patronage, and criminal networks to secure votes. The mission documented 37 official investigations into vote buying, with serious allegations of organized criminal involvement in key districts such as Durrës, Elbasan, Shkodër, and Vorë.
Public sector employees from teachers to municipal staff reported pressure from superiors to attend Socialist Party rallies and to provide lists of relatives living abroad, feeding into the notorious “patronage system” that monitors voters’ political leanings. Vulnerable groups, including pensioners and low-income families, were reportedly targeted through social benefits and last-minute government “bonuses” presented as social policy but designed for electoral gain.
A Captured Media Landscape
The report devotes a full section to what it describes as “a captured media environment.” Albania’s main television networks remain heavily dependent on government advertising and controlled by owners with strong political ties. ODIHR found that much of the campaign coverage was not produced by independent journalists but by the political parties themselves effectively turning news programs into propaganda tools.
Journalists, the report says, work under “fear, self-censorship, and economic pressure.” The government’s Media and Information Agency, operating directly under the Prime Minister’s Office, was cited as filtering all public information, a practice that “compromises editorial integrity and limits access to independent information.”
Even more troubling, critical online media outlets faced lawsuits and intimidation, while defamation remains criminalized a combination that stifles dissent and leaves citizens without credible, independent sources of news.
Electoral Mismanagement and Legal Ambiguities
ODIHR also criticizes the administration of the electoral process itself, noting that key voting regulations were changed just one week before election day, creating confusion among local commissions. In 20 percent of polling stations, full membership of election commissions was not ensured, and over 1,800 officials were replaced at the last moment, often for political reasons.
Although election day was described as “generally calm,” the report documents procedural violations, including breaches of ballot secrecy and voter intimidation. The limited rollout of electronic voting further deepened mistrust, after being suspended in several areas due to opposition protests.
A Democracy on Autopilot
Despite ODIHR’s scathing findings, Albania’s institutions have already moved on. The Central Election Commission has certified the results, the ruling party has consolidated power, and the international community has largely confined its reaction to routine statements. As in previous elections, reports of serious violations are likely to remain “on paper,” without accountability or reform.
Experts from the Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) argue that the ODIHR report reflects a structural crisis: “Albania has no clear dividing line between the state and the ruling party a situation that erodes the very foundations of democratic competition. This is not simply about electoral misconduct but about state capture as a mode of governance.”
As Albania continues its EU accession process, the persistence of these practices poses a fundamental question: how can a country with such systemic manipulation of elections and control of information progress toward European standards of democracy and rule of law?
For now, the ODIHR’s warning is clear Albania’s democracy remains formally intact, but substantively hollow.