Interview with Dr. Bernd Fischer
In the final analysis, democracy has not been fully established in Albania, says Bernd Fischer, one of the leading foreign scholars on Albania and professor at Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne in the United States. He adds, Albania has developed a system which can be described as democratic authoritarianism, a less brutal version of what can be found in places like Venezuela and Ukraine.
How do you view the current political situation in Albania?
I must say that I am very concerned about developments in Albania – perhaps even more than in the past. Despite impressive progress in many fields, Albania seems to be going backwards in terms of democracy. I believe there may be a fundamental lack of appreciation for and understanding of the concept of democracy on the part of some of Tirana’s political elite. Former American Ambassador John Withers, a keen observer and one who, like myself, only has the best interests of Albania at heart, is unfortunately correct to conclude that there is a lack of real commitment to the idea. Some of the political elite use democracy as a club to beat the opposition and once in power undermine democracy in order to strengthen their power base and prolong their regimes. I need only mention the current government’s successful quest to bring under its control all of Albania’s supposedly independent institutions, like the courts and the prosecutor’s office, which are meant to provide some balance of power – one of the major tenets of democracy. I’m afraid that Albania has developed a system which can be described as democratic authoritarianism, a less brutal version of what can be found in places like Venezuela and Ukraine. This is where we see a democratic veneer – in the form of seriously flawed elections – but authoritarian rule, where political change is often accompanied by significant upheaval.
In the final analysis, democracy has not been fully established in Albania. Democracy depends upon some basic principles like the separation and balance of power. This cannot be found in Albania. It depends upon free and fair elections accepted by both the victor and the vanquished, which haven’t fully been established in Albania. It depends on an independent judiciary to which citizens can turn for recourse. We do not see this in Albania. It requires a loyal opposition which, after sharply contested elections, joins with the newly elected government to operated in the best interests of the people. While it is perhaps understandable, this has yet to develop in Albania. It requires a professional and independent press, which has yet to be fully develop in Albania. It requires the rule of law, which has yet to be fully established in Albania. These problems are more than simply theoretical, they have serious negative consequences on the daily lives of the Albanian people. I need only mention the issue of foreign investment which should be much more robust than it is. But why should foreigners risk investing in Albania when they can’t be guaranteed that their interests are protected by courts free of political influence and corruption? According to the latest Transparency International survey, corruption in Albania increased significantly in this last year moving Albania down an astonishing 18 steps. And we learn just recently from the Washington-based anti-corruption advocacy group Global Financial Integrity that Albania’s corrupt elite took more than 1.3 billion dollars out of the country from 2005-2010. Using official World Bank and IMF data, the corruption watchdog believes that 60 percent came from tax evasion, 35 percent from criminal activity and 5 percent from corruption. This figure is equal to one third of Albania’s annual budget. One wonders what happened to the “clean hands” pledge. And ultimately of course it is the long-suffering citizens of Albania who pay the price. The political and economic system makes it difficult to provide for their families so those who can – often from among the best and the brightest – leave the country. These problems are not insurmountable but they need far more attention from the political elite.
What are your thoughts on the political elite’s conduct in Albania?
There has been much discussion in Albania about the mentality of much of the ruling elite. While certainly some of this has been overdone, I believe there is something to the claim. I believe there is a fundamental disconnect between some of Tirana’s political elite and the people. I think this was true during the Ottoman period, the Zog period, the communist period and that it is still fundamentally true today. Some of the political elite have always believed that the people are simple, do not really understand what is in their best interests, and therefore need to be led like children. These preconceptions may have had some basis in fact during the Ottoman and early Zoggist periods, but as Albanians became more educated and sophisticated, this was no longer a reasonable assumption. The political elite should put more faith in their own people. During my visit to Albania during the independence celebrations I saw a vibrant, positive, gifted people who if allowed a fair chance to do so would be able to make much of the country. I am reminded of the lengthy report written by the American diplomat J.E. Jacobs describing Albanian conditions in 1945. Jacobs noted that Albanians lived in ignorance and poverty not because of any deficit in resources but because of the prevailing brutal social system and land tenure system. I believe that a contemporary parallel can be drawn, where Albanians’ hopes and dreams are unfulfilled not because of an deficit on the part of the people but because of a deeply flawed political and economic structure.
The question of what can be done about all of this is obviously a very difficult one. Part of the solution might be generational in the sense that many younger members of the Tirana political elite seem to be more progressive and open to true democracy. Others have learned from the ways of their elders. I believe that it will certainly take time to change basic attitudes and that this solution can only come from within Albania. This process will be facilitated by the growth of civil society organizations and other forms of popular pressure, and foreigners too can play a role. But this is fundamentally an internal Albanian issue. I believe that it is inevitable that a solution will come. It is up to the political elite to determine whether they will become part of the solution, or whether they will simply continue to be part of the problem.
In your opinion, what been the role of the European Union states in Albania?
I believe that the Europeans have been remarkably patient with Albania and generally helpful. Europe recognizes that it has much at stake in Albania and the region and clearly cannot simply abandon Albania to its fate. This is one of Europe’s weaknesses which is taken advantage of by Albanian politicians. The recent failure to achieve candidate status was certainly predictable, not only because of the failure to enact the required reforms but also, I believe, because of this disturbing new emphasis on nationalism. I appreciate the argument that reciting a historical document should not be considered as contemporary policy, but the situation has gone beyond the document and I do not believe that it is simply something invented by the press. The motivation behind this recent surge of nationalism rhetoric is clearly the upcoming election but the potential damage to Albania’s one great success story – playing a moderating role in the Balkans – is very real. Are we again going to see the sacrifice of regional and domestic stability, the sacrifice of a hope for a better economic future for all Albanians, for the sake of an election? One hopes not. While the United States will remain interested in developments in Albania and will help when it can, I believe that Albania’s future rests firmly in Europe. Albania should be very careful in its dealing with Europe.
How do you feel about the role of the civil society and the media?
I believe that civil society voices are becoming more independent and sophisticated but these are still voices that are rarely heard by policy makers. This too will change with time and continuing grassroots organization. The media, too, I see improving particularly in terms of the many talented people working as reporters and producers. But they labor under a very heavy burden. Much of the media is still controlled by political interests and self-serving business interests. I believe it is time to phase out the state media and party media. This is a holdover from communist times and provides no useful service to the people. Average citizens don’t have the time to read ten newspapers to insure that they get a balanced view of current events. Eventually we will see the development of a media that receives its principal revenue from subscription sales and advertising sales, allowing for objective reporting of events.
What do you see in Albania’s future?
Despite all of these challenges, I remain very optimistic about the future of Albania. I am pleased to see that Albania is, in a way, coming to terms with its past. Despite the controversy, I welcome the return of Zog’s remains from Paris. Whatever we think about Zog, he clearly was a critical figure in the development of the Albanian state and nation. The communists too played a critical role. I would like to see an end to the destruction of communist monuments, they are part of Albania’s past. The Hoxha regime cannot be erased from Albania’s memory. It must be dealt with objectively. I understand that this will be very difficult, particularly for those who lived through its horrors. But this is the job of historians – and it should be left to historians. Looking ahead, I am very pleased to see Albania named as a must-see destination for 2013 by tourist organizations. There are many wonderful things to see and experience and they need to be protected for future generations of Albanians and all those who hope to visit from abroad. I believe that tourism will be a critical part of Albania’s future. It is up to the current leadership to insure that Albania’s many treasures are preserved. They are not only Albania’s past but also its future.
