By ALBERT RAKIPI
Corruption, paranoia and conspiracy – How to remake the parliament: Back to the future – OSCE report leak: A ‘public secret’ goes public – Is the government seeking the OSCE’s departure?
Just like the weather, this fall, politics have become more and more unpredictable on a daily basis – incomprehensible too, almost banal. Only the First Astrologer, one of those peripheral yet unique characters renowned Albanian writer Ismail Kadare has come up with, could offer a plausible explanation for the link between weather and politics. But beyond this astrological outlook, what is happening in politics this early autumn is not entirely new — it is more like dà©jà vu. But why do we feel that what is happening now has been experienced before in almost the same fashion? Is this a fatal dà©jà vu that keeps up connected to the past?
Corruption, paranoia and conspiracy
The chairman of the Parliamentary Commission on National Security has raised the alarm about a plot intended “to destabilize the country,” as he puts it. The commission is supposed to be in the loop with all the necessary information, including classified data, and as such, its head has sent a letter to all key constitutional institutions of the country, including the head of state, about an alarming plot related to the heated debate about the so-called CEZ affair – which if proved true could become the most spectacular case of corruption in Albania with serious implications for the entire political class.
Reporting by the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network had earlier shown that “a former prime minister” was involved in alleged corruption in the affair – a definition interpreted by the media and the current opposition to identify Speaker of Parliament Ilir Meta, the leader of the Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI), as involved in the affair. He has rejected the allegations.
The opposition has demanded the resignation of the Speaker of Parliament in order for a full investigation to take place, and it is within this context that the commission’s chairman has made public a plot that aims “to destabilize Albania” through a scenario that would falsely connect criminal activities to the Speaker of Parliament.
The government and opposition agree that the CEZ affair requires an investigation – an international one even. (Mr. Meta has asked that the investigation be conducted by American prosecutors.). The low level of trust among the parties involved may not be the only reason all sides are asking for an international investigation – 25 years after the fall of communism – for a matter that is entirely Albanian. It also raises questions on whether the politicians want the investigation to happen at all. An international investigation is likely unfeasible and could ultimately serve to shut the case down.
It would have been quite normal to have an investigation into the CEZ affair that could have implications for key political leaders and other actors in the country. But what we are seeing happen instead is absurd. More than real substance that would come from a proper investigation we are being fed interpretations, paranoia and conspiracy theories that could have serious implications in today’s political life.
The chairman of the security commission in parliament, Spartak Braho, an SMI lawmaker, raises an alarm about a plot to destabilize the country. At the same time, or perhaps as part of the same plot, SMI as a king-maker the past two governments looks at the CEZ affair as a super plot of the Socialist Party in power and the Democratic Party in opposition to outmaneuver SMI.
How to remake the parliament: Back to the future
A lawmaker of the ruling majority in parliament – who had been convicted of involvement in criminal activities before entering parliament — has finally resigned under pressure, leaving an empty seat in parliament. Another member of parliament is under arrest accused of murder in Belgium. A third ruling coalition MP has been arrested for taking part in a shootout that that left seven people injured. Another MP faces charges for hiding hiding assets. These facts alone are enough to show the Albanian parliament has been penetrated by people with criminal records. When in December last year the Democratic Party initiated what was later labeled as “decriminalization of parliament” the charges seemed hard to believe. Now, all sides agree action must be taken – and there are two bills, one by the opposition and one by the government – that are similar and that have as a primary aim to stop those with criminal records from holding elected office. There might be consensus on a single bill, even, a rarity in Albanian politics.
But the Parliament of Albania, 25 years after the fall of the communist regime, is not weak just because individuals with criminal records have reached its hall as representatives of the people. For that matter, today’s Albania parliament has its share of “the strong men” who have a complicated pasts in relation to the rule of law. But it also has plenty of anonymous members without any influence and without any kind of legitimacy. Their only qualification is their wealth. These are businessmen and the post-communist oligarchs.
How did Albanian politics get to this point?
The opposition and ruling parties are supporting this new decriminalization draft law as if this is problem that has nothing to do with them. Unfortunately, the essential questions remains: Why did the quality of representation in parliament deteriorate? Who brought these strongmen and businessmen to parliament? Who brought the individuals with criminal records to represent the people of Albania in parliament?
The modern democratically-elected Albanian parliament is reaching 25 years of age. In 1991, the first elections the communist regime allowed an opposition party to participate, the opposition won many votes thanks to the legitimacy and respect voters had for the candidates running in its ranks. A quarter of a century later it seems that neither respect, nor values, nor ideas, nor knowledge is required from the candidates – just a lot of money, a lot of that money made through wrongdoings, even crimes – today one needs oligarchs, even criminals, to win elections. It appears that a return to solid values, means a return to past, back to the future.
OSCE report leak: A ‘public secret’ goes public
The unauthorized leak of a report prepared for internal use by the OSCE Presence in Albania initially let to debate about the contents of the document. The now famous report – in fact a not-so-professional summary of all the allegations and rumors circulating among the Albanian public and media – portrays all of Albania’s political leaders as corrupt, including Prime Minister Rama, former Prime Minister Berisha and the Speaker of Parliament Meta, and a number of members of parliament and other political actors.
Many of the “facts” and “charges” on corruption mentioned in the report – involvement in criminal activity and links with international organized crime — were not new for the Albanian public. Many of them have been featured in Albanian media from time to time – particularly in periphery outlets that lack full professional credibility.
In many cases, the allegations of criminal activities and corruption made in the report had been originally accusations Albanian politicians have levied against each-other, which had not been verified or investigated by law enforcement officials.
But the OSCE report, if we want to put that label on an internal document, contained some “facts” that are being proven correct on a daily basis – as is the case of the presence in parliament of wealthy individuals, some of whom have criminal records. These are not just the ones who have left their seats because of their past – a convicted human trafficker or a man wanted on a murder charge – but also other members of parliament.
The leaked document does not represent the official position of the OSCE, and as announced by the organization’s head in Tirana, it has no proof on the allegations made in it – it is simply a collection of information circulating in the press for quite some time. But the fact that the document was drafted by the organization does give a certain legitimacy to the “facts” and allegations that had already been known by the public.
The allegations made public in the report implicate almost the entire political elite of Albania, though they are unverified and not investigated. The report also gives no reference as to where the information comes from. However, the document does, if nothing else, promote discussion on a phenomenon increasingly present in Albania: The capture of the parties – and through them, the state – by certain individuals, oligarchs, clans, the wealthy and the super wealthy, including individuals with criminal records.
A request made in recent comments by the U.S. Ambassador to the OSCE for Albania to avoid criminal influences in governance is a confirmation of the high impact level of these individuals in terms of state capture through party capture – and the even more alarming case of the criminal influences in governance.
On the other hand, the leak of a report compiled by a serious organization like the OSCE – a report that muddies all of Albania’s political elite at a time when the leaders were taking serious and concrete steps in the process of decriminalization – could end up weakening that positive momentum. The question would then be: What would decriminalization mean in a country where almost all the leadership is accused of involvement in illegal activities – up to criminal and mafia ties?
The government’s retaliation
An immediate reaction of the politicians mentioned in the report was to be expected. A number of MPs mentioned in the document asked the OSCE to apologize. Others, some more influential than others, directly attacked the organization, calling for its ousting from Albania.
Although the OSCE report was merely an internal document, serious questions remain about the quality of the document, the professionalism of those who wrote it and even more serious questions remain about the benefits of writing such a document.
Excluding the reactions of some members of the parliamentary majority, the government had kept a low profile and made almost no comments about the leaked report, in which senior leaders of the ruling majority, including the Prime Minister, Speaker of Parliament and several lawmakers are mentioned as being involved in major corruption and organized crime activities.
But only a few days after the leak of the OSCE document, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded with a leak of its own, a letter it had sent to many public institutions across the country to look at reducing and completing any projects they had with the OSCE as the country had advanced enough to where it no longer needed OSCE assistance.
The foreign ministry’s letter uses a language reminiscent of the Cold War and warns of the “inevitable need to review the mandate of the OSCE mission in Albania,” because “positive developments of Albanian democracy, the enhancement of the role and profile of Albania in the region, and beyond, NATO membership and the obtainment of candidate status in the EU have brought a radical change in our relationship with the OSCE.”
The ministry’s letter adds, “Albania is not only a consumer of the OSCE expertise, but contributes substantially to preserving and promoting the role of the organization in the security architecture in Europe. In this respect, developments in Albania would justify changing the mandate of the OSCE presence in this country and its withdrawal from some key areas.”
Is the government seeking the OSCE’s departure?
The use of an “unauthorized” leak of the letter of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to other state institutions clearly shows that immediately after the publication of the infamous OSCE document, the government prepared in haste a plan to review the future of the OSCE mandate in Albania.
Is this retaliation against the OSCE Presence for the document leak? Is this the beginning of revenge?
The truth is that the review of the mandate of the OSCE Presence is a normal practice and not the first time it has happened in Albania. Earlier Albanian governments had periodically reviewed and the OSCE Presence and negotiated its mandate. At first glance, an OSCE Presence in a country that is a member of NATO and an official candidate for EU membership seems meaningless.
But the context in which the government wants to review the mandate of the OSCE makes its reasoning hard to believe. NATO membership happened six years ago, for example. The real context is that the government is seething over the leaked OSCE document containing heavy allegations on political leaders and parliamentarians. But if these allegations are baseless, unbelievable and not official, why is the government in such a hurry to take revenge on the OSCE Presence?
On the other hand, regardless of the motives of the government for wanting to review the OSCE’s mandate, perhaps even its departure, there are also questions at this point as to what the OSCE does in this country. What does the OSCE do in a NATO and EU candidate country with a presence and an office, as the election assistance and monitoring is handled by a separate department of the organization, the ODIHR.
There has been criticisms on the role and work of the organization in Tirana in the past. Several years ago the OSCE Presence was involved in some Baywatch-like projects, which seemed odd for an international political organization’s mission. Likewise, OSCE’s commitment to increase the capacity of journalists in Albania go back to the to the early beginnings of democratic processes in Albania.
I don’t think there is a reason for the OSCE to invent a new role for itself in Albania. Personally, I think that despite the fact that Albania is a NATO member and an EU candidate, Albania is a consumer of the OSCE expertise, as well as a contributor, so despite all of these, OSCE still has a role to play here. And perhaps it is playing its role – the public just doesn’t know about it.
