By Ines Stasa
The Albanian non-permanent membership mandate at the United Nations Security Council is challenged among other regional and country-based disputes, by two major international events in Afghanistan and recently in Ukraine. At the same time, Covid-19 pandemic has worldwide deteriorated the women’s inclusion and security situation. Albania’s priorities in the Security Council are Women, Peace and Security Agenda; human rights and international law; countering violent extremism; climate and security.[1] One of the top priorities on the Albanian foreign policy agenda delivered from the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs is the advance of Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS). Since its beginning in 2000, the WPS have contributed to mainstream a gender-based national social and security strategies and policies, by putting more efforts on strengthening existing social networks, creating new spaces for debate and other modes of communication in order to improve ways of including women in the processes that vary a lot accordingly to national and regional contexts. After nine consecutive Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security Agenda, the question that still arises is to what extent have we improved the way women and girls participate in the peace-making and decision-making processes. How has the legalization of gender enhanced and made on the country- basis politicians more accountable towards issues of peace and security. Obviously, in Albania, in a country free of ethnic and border disputes differently from other neighboring countries in the Western Balkans, this Agenda is framed into two main pillars: “improvement of policy documents; increase of women’s participation in the security sector at home and abroad and creating capacities to a better protection and rehabilitation of women in the field of peace and security” [2]. Nevertheless, the discourse of the first National Action plan (2018-20200 is focused at the increase of women representation mainly across security and defense sector. In order to better understand the core goal of WPS, I have identified few key issues to put forth the agenda as follows: Contextualization of National Action Plans as a break from traditional conception of one size-fits-all. Different regions and countries have different approaches and mechanisms in place to respond to risks; De-militarization of the Agenda in order to open the Women, Peace and Security toolbox toward different perspectives and solutions; Pushing for a feminist foreign policy, an initiative that was first enhanced by the Sweden Government in 2014; Keeping the focus of WPS National Action plans while attempting to foster the integration of a range of issues such as violent extremism, climate change and human trafficking into the logframe of these Plans; Women, Peace and Security is not just to acknowledge the right of women in decision-making processes and peace agreements, rather a peace agenda that contribute to a sustainable peace with women having a space to reflect and progress. Developing a partnership framework between men and women in a changing world security context where both women and men are threatened by sexual violence and violent extremism; the risk of ‘legalization of gender’ and the institutionalization of WPS Agenda; and Women’s Court model.
This blog post seeks to critically analyze the first key issue out of seven above-mentioned. All these points are relevant to the debate on Women, Peace and Security in particular and to the international criminal justice in general. Measures and objectives of this Agenda are not simply important in the framework of developing more gender-sensitive policy responses in the foreign policy but also an important step to deliberate on peace and security and make them part of broader reflections within each society. This should not be understood as a matter of numbers or quotas rather than as a human rights issue that it has to be comprehend fairly and justly.
Contextualization of National Action Plans (NAP) remains one of the top recommendations when it comes to analyze how countries have shaped legislation accordingly to 1325 Resolution. Beyond that, international norms have upgraded their mode of operation from the right to intervene to a responsibility to protect as a moral shift within the international security architecture and in the liberal international order. Thus, normative agenda might be difficult to be pushed forward. In an international debate whether sovereignty (liberalism vs realism) should be the principle of moral authority in a legal and political legitimacy the Women, Peace and Security Agenda belongs not only to the national security infrastructure but also to the gender politics within the international criminal justice architecture. What would be appropriate to re-consider is that there won’t be gender justice without re-considering gender laws and practices within national laws system. As we are going to go through later in analysis, the international and national institutions/actors, should better operate in consent and proper compromise when dealing with human rights and human security. Two parallel systems, the one of Westphalian level and the other of interconnected web of interests and norms, reflect discontents and sometimes failure of positive outcomes. By saying so, the responsibility to enhance this agenda and make it a global priority is a challenge to the Albanian non-permanent mandate at the UNSC, taking into consideration the fact that Albania was the latest country in the Western Balkans designing a National Action Plan in 2018. The main question would be: what are the chances of Albania to set a legacy after the Resolution 2493 (2019)?
This process is a work in progress developed throughout nine Resolutions; Resolution 2467 (2019) adopted by the Security Council at its 8514th meeting, on 23 April 2019, a legacy of the German Presidency of the Security Council. This Resolution highlighted the necessity to put more pressure at holding the perpetrators to account; putting victims and survivors centre-staged; recognizing neglected groups of victims ( girls and boys; women and men); and strengthening civil society. The Germany Resolution was considered as a big step towards strengthen of punishment of sexual violence.
The Albanian foreign policy chances to push forward the implementation of all nine Resolutions on WPS are potential chances to accommodate Albania as a valuable political factor in delivering peace and security in the region. By upgrading its capacities and networking with the top countries at peace and security issues and other stakeholders; by engaging actively and promoting high level women professionals in international organizations from Albania and other countries of the region in order to bring closer and superglue the linkage between most successful countries and countries in the region.
Worldwide snapshot and Albania’s performance at the Women, Peace and Security Index
58 percent of policy responses by region and type are reported as not gender sensitive. By type, the Index include violence against women and girls; women’s economic security and unpaid care[3].
Throughout the Women, Peace and Security Index report, Albania compared to 29 countries in the Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia region has shown positive trends from 2017 to 2021, specifically at women’s share of parliament seats (22.9% in 2017 to 29.5% in 2021); at absence of legal discrimination against women (85.6% in 2017 to 91.3% in 2021); women’s perception of community safety (55.7% in 2017 to 61.5% in 2021). The worst trend data is reflected at women’s mean years of schooling (9.8% in 2017 to 9.7% in 2021). Even though there is an increase at the percentage of women’s financial inclusion (33.6% in 2017 to 38.1% in 2021), compared to other countries of study, Albania is only 10.4 p.p. far from Azerbaijan who is reported as the worst case in group. This snapshot on Albania’s performance accordingly to the Index[4], may be a source for reflection for the Albanian policy makers to strengthen efforts regarding the average number of years of education of women ages 25 and older, as it is indicated at the WPS Index Report. At the same time, when looking through data on other indicators at inclusion, justice and security, one should understand that la vie is not en rose in Albania for women and girls. Moreover, leadership in Albania has continuously electorally and politically used the number of women in the Governmental cabinet as a success in power-sharing and women participation in decision-making as real actors in politics.
According to the Study Report “Strengthening decision-making power of women councilors in Albania”[5], some of the findings that would mean relevance to this blog express the concern that using the quota and ‘propaganda’ for the increase number of women in all levels of decision-making in Albania is not significant in representing and advancing women issues agenda. Referring to the Study Report :” Women councilors contribution at the Council Program does not change accordingly to their numbers in the Council”; “ Women role during public sessions does not change accordingly to their representation percentage in the Council”[6]. When it comes at analyzing their perception on their real power in decision-making processes, findings indicate that there is no significant relationship between the higher number of women in the Council with their power perception in decision-making. With regard to these findings, there is a clear expression of propaganda used by the political leadership of the Socialist Party that the higher the number of women in politics, the more the power rest in their hands in decision-making processes. Results of this Study indicate that there are other structural challenges that make it harder for women in local councils to accomplish their objectives. In other words, there is no positive effect in the assumed relationship between the number of women representatives in local councils and their real power to influence politics. Thus, the policy of quotas alone do not significantly indicate quality in the advance of gender-based policies.
To conclude, by prioritizing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda at the United Nations Security Council, Albania has a chance to positively upgrade this Agenda at the national level and contextualize the Action Plan accordingly to the concerns and local issues in order to not just give a voice to women, but to let them be significantly heard wherever they represent women interests and agendas. Internationally, by prioritizing the WPS Agenda is highly relevant due to the conflict situations in recent events in Afghanistan and Ukraine and the experience women can bring in peace and security issues. The Albanian position as a non-permanent member at the UNSC is a unique opportunity to further develop its foreign policy ambitions and follow up the legacy of the German Presidency in 2019.
References
1.Ministria për Evropën dhe Punët e Jashtme,”Meeting Global Challenges through Partnerships.Albania for UN Security Council 2022/2023,”Ministria për Evropën dhe Punët e Jashtme,2021, https://www.punetejashtme.gov.al/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Security-Council-UN.pdf
2. Council of Ministers, Albania Action Plan on Resolution 1325, Government of Albania.Official Journal/524,Tirane:Government of Albania,2018, http://1325naps.peacewomen.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Albania-Action-Plan-on-Resolution-1325_ENG-CMD-524-11.09.2019-1-2.pdf ( Accessed February 15,2022).
3. Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and Peace Research Institute,”Women, Peace, and Security Index 2021/22 Summary,”Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security,2021, https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-index/
4. Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and Peace Research Institute,”Women, Peace, and Security Index 2021/22 Summary,”Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security,2021, https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-index/
5. Marsela.D & Edlira.C, Forcimi i Pushtetit Vendimmarres te grave keshilltare ne Shqiperi (Tirane:UNDP,2015).
6. Ibid
7. Council of Ministers, Albania Action Plan on Resolution 1325, Government of Albania.Official Journal/524,Tirane:Government of Albania,2018, http://1325naps.peacewomen.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Albania-Action-Plan-on-Resolution-1325_ENG-CMD-524-11.09.2019-1-2.pdf ( Accessed February 15,2022).
8. Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and Peace Research Institute,”Women, Peace, and Security Index 2021/22 Summary,”Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security,2021, https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-index/
9. Marsela.D & Edlira.C, Forcimi i Pushtetit Vendimmarres te grave keshilltare ne Shqiperi (Tirane:UNDP,2015).
10. Ministria per Evropen dhe Punet e Jashtme,”Meeting Global Challenges through Partnerships.Albania for UN Security Council 2022/2023,”Ministria per Evropen dhe Punet e Jashtme,2021, https://www.punetejashtme.gov.al/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Security-Council-UN.pdf
