By Stefan Cibian
Rakipi looks in his 2008 ‘Weak States and Security: rethinking the Balkan Post-Cold War Security Agenda’ to the weak state phenomenon and the shapes it takes in the
Balkans after the fall of the Communist regime. He focuses in his work on two case studies – Albania and Macedonia – which in spite of their different histories both are in the post-Cold War period weak states. The study addresses both the literatures on international relations and the weak/failed states by attempting to substantiate a link between security concerns and weak states. As such the author starts by building up a theoretical framework which allows addressing simultaneously international relations theory, the security dilemma, the process of democratization, and strong/weak statehood. This theoretical framework is by and large steaming out of the international relations theory, more specifically its realist/neo-realist and liberal/neo-liberal streams. The author builds up the argument in such a way as to justify a predominant focus on the internal aspects of security, delimiting the study from the international dimension of the security dilemma – i.e. the traditional understanding of the security dilemma within international relations – and a focus on power holders within the international system. Such a move, even if contradictory to the (neo-)realist IR, it is broadly in line with the (neo-)liberal stream. A second step is to justify a focus on the ‘institutional base of the state’. This focus draws a particular attention to the development of the post-communist institutions and their representation of state strength. Furthermore it requires a strong focus on the development of statehood per se, the national question, and the transformations of the underlining organizing ideology.
At this level Rakipi draws our attention to the discrepancies between the forms of statehood we may find in the West and those that are developing in the periphery/Balkans – here the crux of the problem being the understanding and projection of power and the role the state has in the manipulation of power. Ultimately the criterion decided upon as the most relevant in the discussion on state strength/weakness is political legitimacy which guides the author in his analysis of the two case studies.
Considering the evolution of the international system and the sharp increase in the number of states during decolonization and the post-communist period, the apparition of states which maintain a formal sovereignty but are too weak to maintain a normal relation with their citizens based on the adequate provision of public goods and security puts the international community in a new and difficult situation. The answer given up to date to the weak state phenomenon is fragmentary and insufficient. Rakipi attempts therefore to underscore the dangers the proliferation and inadequate approach towards this kind of states can bring for the international community. He does so by looking into the Albanian and Macedonian cases. Albania is dealt with extensively and Macedonia is treated as well but more succinctly; the author manages therefore to provide a nice picture of the apparition and development of the Albanian and Macedonian states. The many problems that come with the institutionalization and strengthening of these states are considered and their impact on the security dynamics of the region and the whole Europe is highlighted.
Rakipi looks further into the link between such weak states and the international community. He starts by tackling the issue of the foreign policy of weak states. The foreign policy is relevant as it reveals the perceptions of threats of the weak states. In this case the legitimacy so much needed for increasing the strength of the state in the liberal order, comes mainly from external actors and is a useful tool in the competition with the many internal ‘enemies’/ opposing forces which are characteristic of weak states. Finally the author deals with the role of the international community in dealing with the situations of fragility. As it may be expected this role is major and has a deep impact on the functioning of the weak state and its institutions. The focus is manly put on the role of the EU and NATO in the crises that Albania and Macedonia have faced in their period since the fall of the communist regime. Whether the international community’s presence takes the form of an international protectorate, presence of international forces, development aid, engagement in mediating peace deals, or a contribution to the consolidation of democracy and state capacity, these contribute substantially to the transformations of the local institutional environment.
As such the book treats a very topical subject given the current engagements of the international community (e.g. Afghanistan) and the ever stronger interest for the deteriorating situation of African states. The strengthening of weak states does receive more and more attention from both scholars and policy makers. The book maintains a pretty clear structure offering a substantial contribution due to its focus on the Balkans. While most of the weak/failed states literature deals with other areas of the world, the post-communist Central and Eastern European area has important lessons to be drawn for the efforts of various states and the international community in what regards strengthening statehood.
From the post-communist area, Albania and Macedonia are both wonderfully selected cases as they make possible a nice employment of Mill’s method of difference. Albania has independence for a longer period of time and is ethnically homogenous, while Macedonia gains independence for the first time after the fall of the communism and is ethnically heterogeneous. In spite of these differences, in both cases we find strong evidence of weak statehood and difficult transition paths towards more democratic societies. Rakipi manages to bring forwards reach localized knowledge which is enlightening in the context of weak/failed states literature. As well, the contexts of the two states, concerning their development as states and particularly so their position in the international system and relation to the international community, allow important lessons for the security literature.
However, there are several drawbacks: the two case studies are disproportionate. The Albanian case study is treated substantially and at length while Macedonia is dealt with more superficially. This aspect as well as the views presented on Albania and Macedonia and the relations between the two reveal a certain level of unnecessary bias towards the Albanian position. As well, much of the information provided for the Albanian and Macedonian case studies is anecdotal, lacking a seriously structured analysis and at times comprising value judgments. Furthermore, the strong reliance on the neo-/realist and neo-/liberal theories brings several tensions which are not entirely dealt with. While the more critical streams of IR theory are not considered at all in spite of the obvious potential contribution such lenses could bring to the undertaken analysis.
The literatures employed in the building up of the theoretical argument exclude by and large the development and economic development literatures. In spite of one of the conclusions of the book that development is at the core of the strengthening of the current states in the Balkans, this line of argumentation is not taken further. Overall, the argument the author attempts to build is composed of several components which unfortunately do not add up in a structured and clear analysis. Nevertheless, the contribution as a whole does offer an important contribution to the weak states literature by focusing on the Balkans and link between security and weak states in the same region.
Central European University Political Science Journal. Vol. 3, No. 4
